Aguijon pica jopo animal11/18/2023 ![]() The study concludes that changes not determined by any of these conditions, of the three types previously described (intérvalo, cAido, vAyamos), either tend towards regularisation or else, when there is alternation, a regular pattern-with greater or lesser extension and diffusion-is always present. In order to demarcate certain accent changes, and to justify others, we review the conditions of Spanish accentuation: first, unstressed inflectional constituent second, the three-syllable window third, sensitivity to quantity fourth, the domain of stress assignment is the word fifth, maintaining the original accent or regular adaptation on the. For this purpose, we reject the old Nebrija accent classification (llana, aguda, esdrújula), which does not allow the direction of accent-change to be identified, and, in light of this, we forward the proposal of two accent types within the structure of the word: REGULAR accent (on the second syllable of words terminating in a vowel, or else on the last syllable, if they terminate in a consonant or tonic vowel) and IRREGULAR accent (on the third syllable of words terminating in a vowel, or else on the second syllable, if they terminate in a consonant). This article studies the direction and significance of three outstanding forms of accent change in Spanish: first, that represented by intérvalo, méndigo, aureOla, penAlti second, the change seen in cAido, mAiz and third, that shown by váyamos, véngamos. Palabras clave: acento español, cambios de acento, condiciones del acento, acento regular español, andalucismo, español de América. Henríquez Ureña en contra del supuesto andalucismo aparente sistemático del español de América. Como efecto colateral, algunos de estos fenómenos abonan la antigua tesis de P. El estudio concluye que los cambios no determinados por alguna de estas condiciones, de los tres tipos citados (intérvalo, cAido, vAyamos) o van en el sentido de la regularización o, cuando hay alternancia, siempre está presente el patrón regular, con más o menos extensión y difusión. Para deslindar algunos cambios de acento y justificar otros, se recuerdan las condiciones del acento español: 1º, constituyente flexivo átono 2º, la Ventana de las Tres Sílabas (VTS) 3º, sensibilidad a la cantidad 4º, dominio del acento en la palabra 5º, mantenimiento del acento original o adaptación regular por el uso. Para ello se rechaza la vieja clasificación nebrisense de acentuación (llana, aguda, esdrújula), que no permite identificar la dirección de los cambios de acento y se justifica una propuesta de dos clases de acento en la estructura de la palabra: acento REGULAR (en la segunda sílaba de las palabras acabadas en vocal, o en la última, si acaban en consonante o vocal tónica) y acento IRREGULAR (en la tercera sílaba de las palabras acabadas en vocal o en la segunda, si acaban en consonante). En este artículo se estudia la dirección y sentido de los tres tipos más destacados de cambio de acento en español: 1º, el cambio tipo intérvalo, méndigo, aureOla, penAlti 2º, el cambio tipo cAido, mAiz y 3º, el cambio tipo váyamos, véngamos. We will also show that the motivation for this policy stems from a combination of a neocolonial bias and economic interests that seek to promote Spain’s international standing and branding as a country. The results of our analysis reveal that the DLE repeatedly presents Peninsular Spanish usage as if it were General Spanish or ‘neutral Spanish’ and portrays Latin American Spanish as the ‘other.’ This study reveals the fallacy of the RAE’s pan-Hispanic language policy, an institutional device that attempts to force linguistic unity centered around Peninsular Spanish usage where no such unity in fact exists. To demonstrate this, we have classified selected dictionary entries into two categories: 1) Latin American Spanish usages that are defined by cross-references to the term used in Peninsular Spanish and 2) usages that occur frequently in Spain and rarely in Spanish-speaking Latin America (Peninsular Spanish usages or españolismos) but are defined in the Dictionary with no geographic marker whatsoever. In this paper we will show that the Real Academia Española’s claim of a pan-Hispanic approach is in fact a disingenuous smokescreen and that, in reality, the DLE places Latin American Spanish usage in an inferior and subsidiary status via-a-vis Peninsular Spanish usage. This paper arises out of that specific concern and is focused on a close reading of the Spanish Royal Academy’s DLE in its most recent electronic version 23.1 (2017). Despite the Spanish Royal Academy’s claim that it has broken away from its Eurocentric perspective and embraced a pan-Hispanic approach, a careful analysis of its dictionary, the Diccionario de la lengua española (DLE), reveals a clear bias in favor of Peninsular Spanish usage and a systematic relegation of Latin American Spanish to an inferior, subsidiary status.
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